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Burns Strider Nov 5, 2014 5:37 PM
David Brock: GOP extremists riding to Democrats’ rescue
With the Republican Tea Party Caucus on the loose, the public will not like what it sees.
At the risk of being seen as happiest in war, in the wake of the midterms I believe Democrats should avoid intramural recriminations, hew to the old adage that there's a silver lining in every cloud and focus now on the tremendous -- and potentially historic -- political opportunities before us in two years.
I won't dwell on what is already known: The 2014 midterms were fought on unpromising grounds for Democrats, to say the least. It was the second midterm of a presidency, when losses in Congress are almost inevitable. The Senate seats up this time were mostly in the South and border states. It was impossible for our candidates to articulate the case for President Obama's achievements in the face of Republican negativity and scare tactics.
So onto the good news: With few exceptions, our candidates ran strong races in this adverse climate and ably stood up for Democratic values. The Clintons stood up for an inclusive national party, tirelessly campaigning across the Midwest and South. And Democratic donors and outside groups stood up, ensuring our candidates were financially competitive to the end.
Republican candidates ran a wolf in sheep's clothing strategy, misrepresenting themselves as moderates to get power. Republicans like Cory Gardner, Scott Walker and Joni Ernst all disavowed their long history of opposing abortion in all circumstances. Republicans not only have no economic agenda, they claimed to support popular parts of the Democrats' agenda that they have long opposed. Republican candidates across the country shifted leftward on Medicare, Social Security, reproductive rights, energy policy, poverty and the minimum wage.
We have seen this movie before: In 2010, Republicans said they would stick to economics if they won the House, but among the first bills they passed were three that restricted women's rights.
Republicans had planned to run against Obamacare this year, but in recent weeks, their attacks lessened. Republicans struggled to articulate their opposition because they know Obamacare is here to stay. Americans want to keep it.
When the clock struck twelve Tuesday night, the Republican presidential contest began, and the 2016 Democrats had something to run against: the Republican Congress. Played right, both can be a gift that keeps on giving to Democrats. We are not in charge anymore, and the truth is that the recalcitrant Republican House frequently made being in charge an exercise in futility.
The Tea Party caucus in the House is now stronger. The Republican presidential primaries are weighted to the right – and Senators Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, and Marco Rubio will invariably tack in that direction, exercising a gravitational pull over the internal processes of Congress. They will set off vicious rivalries, both among themselves and with the Republican older guard, which itself may fracture over which establishment horse to back in blocking a Tea Partier from the nomination. Mitch McConnell may run the Senate, but it often won't seem that way.
The setup for Democrats is: Will Republicans reject extremism? On issue after issue – rolling back health care, women's reproductive rights, voting rights, immigrant rights and opposing nominations – the GOP can either be discredited or they can be split in this cycle.
The same dynamic will unfold with respect to all of the pseudo-scandals the Republicans will gin up and investigate; already, loose talk of impeachment permeates the outer reaches of the conservative movement.
First, extremism. Then, corruption. The special interests that paid for this victory know that in all likelihood it will be short-lived, and thus they will behave like pigs at the trough. Their real agenda will be revealed when they seek to undo and rewrite regulations for their own benefit, such as undermining environmental protections and seek all manner of goodies from Senate appropriators.
Once established, the extremism and corruption of the Republican majority can be used to define the Republican presidential field. Meanwhile the internal Republican turmoil can be pointed to as a constant lesson of Republican incapacity for governance across the board.
As a first order of business, Democrats can begin to come back by highlighting the GOP's extremism at every turn, exposing their subservience to special-interest masters, debunking their scandal hoaxes and exploiting their conflicts and divisions.
David Brock is chairman of the Democratic SuperPAC American Bridge.
In addition to its own editorials, USA TODAY publishes diverse opinions from outside writers, including our Board of Contributors. To read more columns like this, go to the opinion front page or follow us on twitter @USATopinion or Facebook.
At the risk of being seen as happiest in war, in the wake of the midterms I believe Democrats should avoid intramural recriminations, hew to the old adage that there's a silver lining in every cloud and focus now on the tremendous -- and potentially historic -- political opportunities before us in two years.
I won't dwell on what is already known: The 2014 midterms were fought on unpromising grounds for Democrats, to say the least. It was the second midterm of a presidency, when losses in Congress are almost inevitable. The Senate seats up this time were mostly in the South and border states. It was impossible for our candidates to articulate the case for President Obama's achievements in the face of Republican negativity and scare tactics.
So onto the good news: With few exceptions, our candidates ran strong races in this adverse climate and ably stood up for Democratic values. The Clintons stood up for an inclusive national party, tirelessly campaigning across the Midwest and South. And Democratic donors and outside groups stood up, ensuring our candidates were financially competitive to the end.
Republican candidates ran a wolf in sheep's clothing strategy, misrepresenting themselves as moderates to get power. Republicans like Cory Gardner, Scott Walker and Joni Ernst all disavowed their long history of opposing abortion in all circumstances. Republicans not only have no economic agenda, they claimed to support popular parts of the Democrats' agenda that they have long opposed. Republican candidates across the country shifted leftward on Medicare, Social Security, reproductive rights, energy policy, poverty and the minimum wage.
We have seen this movie before: In 2010, Republicans said they would stick to economics if they won the House, but among the first bills they passed were three that restricted women's rights.
Republicans had planned to run against Obamacare this year, but in recent weeks, their attacks lessened. Republicans struggled to articulate their opposition because they know Obamacare is here to stay. Americans want to keep it.
When the clock struck twelve Tuesday night, the Republican presidential contest began, and the 2016 Democrats had something to run against: the Republican Congress. Played right, both can be a gift that keeps on giving to Democrats. We are not in charge anymore, and the truth is that the recalcitrant Republican House frequently made being in charge an exercise in futility.
The Tea Party caucus in the House is now stronger. The Republican presidential primaries are weighted to the right – and Senators Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, and Marco Rubio will invariably tack in that direction, exercising a gravitational pull over the internal processes of Congress. They will set off vicious rivalries, both among themselves and with the Republican older guard, which itself may fracture over which establishment horse to back in blocking a Tea Partier from the nomination. Mitch McConnell may run the Senate, but it often won't seem that way.
The setup for Democrats is: Will Republicans reject extremism? On issue after issue – rolling back health care, women's reproductive rights, voting rights, immigrant rights and opposing nominations – the GOP can either be discredited or they can be split in this cycle.
The same dynamic will unfold with respect to all of the pseudo-scandals the Republicans will gin up and investigate; already, loose talk of impeachment permeates the outer reaches of the conservative movement.
First, extremism. Then, corruption. The special interests that paid for this victory know that in all likelihood it will be short-lived, and thus they will behave like pigs at the trough. Their real agenda will be revealed when they seek to undo and rewrite regulations for their own benefit, such as undermining environmental protections and seek all manner of goodies from Senate appropriators.
Once established, the extremism and corruption of the Republican majority can be used to define the Republican presidential field. Meanwhile the internal Republican turmoil can be pointed to as a constant lesson of Republican incapacity for governance across the board.
As a first order of business, Democrats can begin to come back by highlighting the GOP's extremism at every turn, exposing their subservience to special-interest masters, debunking their scandal hoaxes and exploiting their conflicts and divisions.
David Brock is chairman of the Democratic SuperPAC American Bridge.
In addition to its own editorials, USA TODAY publishes diverse opinions from outside writers, including our Board of Contributors. To read more columns like this, go to the opinion front page or follow us on twitter @USATopinion or Facebook.